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Interestingly, however, on the identical time youth in Mostar are stigmatized as the era that grew up under ethno-nationwide divisions and are stated to not know anything different (usually this situation is also characterised by a lack of pre-warfare reminiscences). Judging from my very own fieldwork and from the detailed descriptions this special issue offers, there's potential amongst local youth for each. On one hand, there's the potential to take ethno-national lines of divisions as unquestioned, perceiving them as ‘pure’ rather than ‘created’. Here the ‘segregated instructional landscapes work forcefully to entrench fixed notions of identification’ . On the other hand, youth in Mostar actively have interaction in border crossing, as the contributions on this special issue vividly show.
Moreover, the First Yugoslavs’ narratives are characterised by a reluctance to check with clear-reduce nationwide identities and as an alternative to retain different social demarcations, such as along a rural–urban divide. This might be discussed in relation to the concept of pravi Mostarci . In the second a part of the chapter, the dialogue moves from the person to a more collective level. Based on observations at a commemoration ceremony, I analyse how members of the First Yugoslavs generation have interaction in maintaining the memory of the Partisan battle alive, whereas on the identical time linking it to the recent struggle. At this commemoration ceremony, victims of the Croat NDH regime of WWII and victims of the Croat quasi republic Herceg-Bosna in the Nineteen Nineties merge collectively as ‘victims of fascism’.
Thus the once multinational character of the Partisan commemoration has more and more turn into a Bosniak commemoration, even if this is not at the consideration of its key proponents. By supporting the Bosniak-dominant public discourse, the Partisan commemoration runs the risk of failing in its self-declared purpose to struggle not solely fascism but also nationalism. While not an specific focus, the question of generations – significantly the youthful era – runs via a lot of the contributions to this special problem. The contributors appear particularly involved with young people’s perceptions and life prospects. Laketa factors out ‘there was an inclination to accentuate the political, and indeed to demonstrate children and youth’s revolutionary potential as subjects for resistance and agents of subversion’ .
As I soon realised, even seemingly shallow conversations had the potential to disclose great wounds. Once, for instance, I was sitting with a small group of individuals at Otvoreno srce when one girl said she appreciated the necklace with the small blue stone I was wearing. Thereupon one other girl announced that she had a similar piece of jewelry that was stolen in the course of the struggle. When she seen my concerned look, she added that materials things are unimportant and the only factor that counts are loved ones. She then recounted with a shaky voice and tears in her eyes that she initially got here from Goražde and had lost her husband and certainly one of her two sons through the war.
The lifeless bodies of her loved ones had been thrown on a garbage dump, so she was unable to say goodbye to them, and only saw on TV the mass grave the place they discovered the remains of her husband and son. I received a very warm welcome at Otvoreno srce, where it seemed everyone was happy to have a brand new face around. From the start, the aged folks actually took me by the hand, patted my shoulder, whispered little secrets and techniques into my ears and invited me for espresso. Without anticipating much in return, besides my presence, they virtually treated me as if they have been my grandparents.
The workers also welcomed me, treating me like a new staff member. I was invited to guide the morning gymnastics and to introduce new video games and different activities. Here, I was in a position to conduct participant statement in the full sense of the meaning.